GUS DUR A Peculiar Leader In Indonesia's Political Agony

The Indonesian Presidents At A Glance

Sukarno, after years of leading Indonesia's political and bloody struggle against the Dutch colonial power became Indonesia's first president. Proclaiming himself 'president-for life' he ruled Indonesia for almost twenty years championing in nation building and nationalistic values to keep this big 13,OOO-island nation under one flag. His flair for rhetoric speeches and supremacy of power was globally known. Towards the final years of his power he became more pro-Communist - the legalised Communist Party then, the PKI (Parti Komunis Indonesia), was so powerful and influential that it staged a bloody coup on 30 September 1965, resulting in the kidnapping, torture and murder of six army generals. The incident was a very tragic misfortune that befell in the history of the nationhood of Indonesia - for in no known modern history of the world has a nation lost six generals in a one single battle. The coup was quickly suppressed by the remaining loyal army led by General Suharto then, driving him to power as Indonesia's second president.

In most of Suharto's 32 years of rule the economy of the country flourished in the eyes of the outside world with high GDP growth recorded every year. Jakarta developed to become a big metropolitan centre no less impressive than big cities in developed countries looming with shining glazed high rise commercial buildings,six-star hotels, and eight lane metropolitan highways linking one part of the city to another. Building landscapes around the Jalan (Street) Sudirman, Jalan Gatot Subroto and J alan Thamrin would make many foreign visitors amazed at such glamorous sight in this Far East country. No upmarket superstores in Malaysia at that time, for example, could challenge the lavishness, the range of high-priced and branded products and materials of the Senayan Plaza and Pondok Indah Mall, meant to cater the very elite of the Indonesian population. Patrons of different categories of superstores in Jakarta were the best place to identify the different classes of people, in economic terms, living in the country.

The biggest sin perhaps done by Suharto to his country was probably letting the small percentage of the very rich especially among ethnic Chinese minority getting much richer through business opportunities deals much of which were in association with his sons and daughters. It was also widely rumoured that his wife had a strong influence on his decisions of running the country. Rumours of PPP business dealings were the most favourite tea-time talk not only among academjcians and intellectuals but also among taxi drivers and people on the streets. It was not the opposition United Development Party (PPP) that people so much rumoured about but rather the Putra Putri Presiden which translated in English means 'the Princes and Princesses of the President' . Indonesia's third President, Dr. Habibie, was short-lived in this office.

Despite making much progress towards the reformation process and showing some signs of progress in addressing some ills of the country, he was unpopular both domestically and globally. Domestically, his very proximate association with the previous unpopular Suharto regime continued to remain as the stumbling block to be accepted by the masses of his people. Globally, the international media spared him no sympathy, citing some of his technological development plans for Indonesia as bizarre and wasteful.

What many true Indonesian leaders never understood was the subtlety of the global criticisms highly thrown at Habibie. He was seen as a highly educated leader with strong Islamic faith. The western would not want to see this world's biggest Muslim country becoming a strong Islamic nation politically and economically. The Indonesian business and influential elite, largely of minority groups and non-Muslims, were quick to capture this global sentiment adding insult to injury, questioning among others the legality of his position as president. With such torrents of criticisms targeted at him, Habibie's presidency just could not last long.

Contents


•   A Peculiar Leader
•   The President's Unbelievable Moves
•   Political Democracy And Its Ill-Imposed Legal System
•   The Government's Ailments


Chapter One: Gus Dur
•   Gus Dur: A Personal Touch
•   Gus Dur: A Controversial Leader
•   The Story Behind Gus Dur
•   The President's Men and Women

Chapter Two: Habibie's Transition Government
•   Shift Of Political And Economic Theme: A Review
•   Habibie's Period Of Constraint
•   The Presidential Bid
•   Tasks Accomplishment: A Review

Chapter Three: The Presidential Bid
•   Political Circumstances Surrounding The Presidential Bid
•   Critical Moment Of The Presidential Bid
•   Gus Dur: A Compromise Presidential Candidate
•   The Presidential Bid: The Future Scene

Chapter Four: A Puzzling New Government
•   A Divergence Of Priority
•   Challenges In Cabinet
•   Political Direction: A Hazy Road

Chapter Five: Prominent Political Figures
•   Habibie: The Third President
•   Megawati: The Vice President
•   Wiranto: The Co-ordinating Minister For Political
     And Security Affairs
•   Amien Rais: The Assembly Speaker
•   Akbar Tandjung: The House Speaker
•   Yusril Ihza Mahendra: The Law and Legislation Minister-
     A Young Leader With A Promising Political Career

Chapter Six: Economic Constraints
•   Internal Variables Of Economic Constraints
•   International Variables Of Economic Constraints
•   The People's Economy
•   The Minority Ethnic Chinese And The National
     Economic Tragedy

Chapter Seven: Political Forces: Their Strength And Significance
•   The Islamic Force The Muslim Power
     Agendas of Jihad And Syariah
     Essentials Of Political Islam
•   Public Trial
     A Weapon Of Power
     Precedents Of Wiranto' s Dismissal
•   Human Rights Issues
     Universal Perspectives And Controversies
     Human Rights In The Indonesian Perspective

Chapter Eight: Security Determinants
•   Security Settings
•   Aceh
     Aceh's Struggle For Independence
     The President's Security Task In Aceh
     Aceh And The Military
     Aceh In Dilemma And Predicament
•   Maluku
•   Central Kalimantan
•   International Comfort In East Timor And Irian Jaya
•   Federal System: The Security Response

Chapter Nine: The Military: A Phenomenal Force 205
•   Wiranto: The Military's Icon
     Prime Target
     The President's Juggling Act On Wiranto
     Wiranto's Suspension And The Reponses
     Wiranto's Exit From Indonesia's Politics
•   The Military
     Question Of Civilian Supremacy
     Military's Critical PositionCivilian Compromise On The Military
     The Military And The Minority Chinese Struggle

Chapter Ten: Foreign Connection
•   Foreign Support And Platform
•   Foreign Pressure
•   Foreign Collaboration
•   Foreign Disturbance
•   Foreign Agenda In East Timor

Chapter Eleven: An Ambiguous Government
•   Hopes For The President
•   The President's Puzzling Traits
•   The President's Discontented Actions
•   Cases Of Disputatious Precedents
     Case One: Dismissal Of Wiranto
     Case Two: Curbing Of The Military Power
     Case Three: Detention Of The Central Bank Governor

Chapter Twelve: Harmful Surroundings Of .
The President's State of Affairs
•   Harmful Scenes
•   Resolving The Corruption Cases
•   Foreign Influence
•   Democratic, Political And Economic Prospective
•   State And Religious Issues
     it Personalisation Of Leadership

Chapter Thirteen: President Abdurrahman Wahid's
Political Embarrassment
•   A Legal Hazard: Buloggate And Bruneigate
•   A Moral Hazard: Aryantigate: The Alleged Love Affair
     Between The President and Aryanti


Chapter Fourteen: President Abdurrahman Wahid:
A Major Setback
•   Events Towards A Dimming Presidency
•   The President's Critical Position: His Desperate Moves

Indonesia In Despair
•   What Went Wrong?
•   Who Was To Be Blamed?
•   What Would Happen Next?

     Endnotes
     References

TUN ABDUL RAZAK A Phenomenon in Malaysian Politics

Preface

Malaysia is currently striving along its path of success by performing and demonstrating a good and consistent record of economic development. It is ambitiously set to achieve a status of developed nation within the first quarter of the new century. Despite some injury partly self-inflicted, it has become a nation which stands tall in international forums to show its uncompromising principles in the highly western biased international political games. If there is one man to be named who initiated and laid the foundation for this path of success, that man is Tun Abdul Razak.

Known as "Father of Development", "Father of Peace" and "Architect of Malaysia's Development" there is need to assess and to revive the contribution of Tun Abdul Razak to the history of Malaysia's development by local and international analysts in search of better understanding of Malaysia's politics and development. There has been only one book about Tun Abdul Razak's life and times that was distributed internationally, written by William Shaw more than twenty years ago.

Twenty years after his demise, the author feels opportuned to revive Tun Abdul Razak's contribution by proposing this book as an honour and tribute to him. The book does not attempt to recount in detail Tun Abdul Razak's personal or private life, but essentially it is a political biography where analysis of the political development of Malaya/Malaysia will be related within the context of his time and his contribution.

By understanding Malaysian politics and development within Tun Abdul Razak's time, the current and future generation may appreciate how achievement needs a strong foundation and commitment and sincerity such as those demonstrated by the leadership of Tun Abdul Razak, This book is an attempt to highlight Tun Abdul Razak's achievements in laying a concrete foundation to the economic and pol itical development of Malaysia especially at the stage when the Malaysian Government in 1969, had inadequate mechanism to withstand
inherited, long-fermenting internal pressures. When the Parliament and the Statc Legislature were suspended, and the country placed under a National Operations Council (NOC) through the newly proclaimed there was a necessity for the nation to find a compromlsing rnnn to head this Council and make it work. That man was Tun Abdul Razak, then Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense.

His brilliance in reshaping the country's foreign policy from that of pro-western to non-alignment demonstrated the strong vision and leadership of Tun Abdul Razak when he was mandated the full power as Prime Minister. The fruits of this vision are today felt even more when Malaysia is recognised as a leader among the developing countries and not merely as a puppet of big powers.

Tun Abdul Razak's vision that was more felt by his people is without doubt the overhauling of the agricultural sector of the country. Tun Abdul Razak was convinced that it was necessary for the country to have a firm foundation and a modern and successful agricultural sector as a pre-requisite to further economic development. Under future leadership Malaysia could take off further to become an industrial and manufacturing nation, but its agricultural sector needs to be intact to support the nation's pursuit of a more ambitious development programme.

The scope of discussion of this book covers the period of Malaya's independence and the formation of Malaysia, the very significant part that Tun Abdul Razak contributed to his country's development and political affairs over a period of twenty-five years from 1951 to 1976 and the impact that he left to his nation from his actions and policies enjoyed now by all Malaysians.

Chapter 1 of this book revives Tun Abdul Razak's childhood life from the village of his origin to his schooling days. This early life of Tun Abdul Razak was well described in the book "Tun Abdul Razak: His Life and Times", written by William Shaw. The author has therefore extensively relied on WilIiam Shaw's narration, convinced that an understanding of Tun Abdul Razak's early days that started forming his character and qualities was necessary to appreciate fully the manner in which Tun Abdul Razak uplifted the economy of the country that he later led.

Chapter 2 focuses on Tun Abdul Razak's early involvement in the nation's struggle against the Japanese during the Second World War and struggle for the achievement of independence alongside Tunku Abdul Rahman and other colleagues. William Shaw's narration was again referred to, supplemented by memoirs of former colleagues and other people closely associated with Tun Abdul Razak then.

Chapters 3 to 8 describe in depth the different phases of leadership of Tun Abdul Razak. These Chapters in essence show the real political strength of Tun Abdul Razak, narrating his responsibility, his uncompromising political stance, and above all his contribution in laying a firm foundation to the economic development of Malaysia which made it possible for future Prime Ministers, notably Dato' Seri Dr. Mahathir, to push it to greater heights by categorically transforming the nation from an agricultural based to a manufacturing based economy. Tun Abdul Razak has also left for his beloved nation a living asset. The eldest of his five sons has not only inherited his father's fine political qualities but has also undergone a remarkably similar development to his father in his political career. Chapter 9 therefore focuses on Dato' Seri Najib as a son that political analysts have observed continuing the political legacy of his father. In the Epilogue, we shall see that the Institut Teknologi MARA (ITM) is another asset left by Tun Abdul Razak.

The Glossary of Names included at the end of this book is a unique feature. The names vary from Prime Ministers to Ministers, statesmen and politicians and also others associated with Tun Abdul Razak. Each of them has uniquely contributed in their own ways to the development of the nation but it is beyond the scope of this book to describe accurately their contribution in the short paragraphs dedicated to them - each paragraph just summarises the unique contribution as the name appears in this book. This book also includes Tun Abdul Razak's Life in Chronology and Other Historical Dates as they appear in this book.

The manuscript of this book was actually completed in July 1996. However, printing of this book is only possible now in 1998. Not all changes occurring after July 1996 have been incorporated.

To sum up, Tun Abdul Razak's unmatched integrity in his leadership to a large extent prepared the way for the present achievement of Malaysian performance economically and politically. The author believes that this book could be used as a self-checking reference for any individual of the country to assess the extent of their services and contributions to nation building, and to aspire to and model their leadership after Tun Abdul Razak. This book is also targeted to international readers who wish to understand in depth the dynamics of political and economic development in Malaysia resulting from the significance of Tun Abdul Razak's leadership.


Contents

Chapter One: Tun Razak's Personal Life Biography
•    Kampung Life
•    School Days
•    Family Life

Chapter Two: Leadership in the Making
•    Time of War
•    Student Days in London
•    Civil Service
•    Political Apprenticeship
•    UMNO Leader/Politician

Chapter Three: The Turning Point
•    Political Awakening Before Independence
•    The Formation of Malaysia
•    Confrontation With Indonesia
•    Separatism of Singapore
•    Philippines Claim On Sabah
•    Formation of ASEAN

Chapter Four: The Year of Turmoil
•    The 1969 Election
•    The May 13 Racial Tragedy

Chapter Five: Sources of Political Troubles
•    Economic Disparity and Economic Measures
•    Racial Discrepancy and National Unity

Chapter Six: Revolutionary Revampment
•    National Operations Council
•    Retirement of Tunku Abdul Rahman

Chapter Seven: Premiership
•    The Premiership of Tun Abdul Razak
•    Economic Restructuring (the NEP)
•    Political Reform (The National Front)
•    National Security
•    Malaysian Foreign Policy

Chapter Eight: Significance of Tun Abdul Razak's Policies (Period After 1976)
•    The Tun's Legacy
•    Tun Hussein's Premiership
•    Economic Recovery
•    Political Recovery .
•    The Significance of the National Front
•    The Blossoming of ASEAN

Chapter Nine: Dato' Sri Najib: Continuing Tun Abdul Razak's Legacy
•    Brief Personal Background
•    A Young Politician On The Rise (UMNO Youth Leader)
•    A Leader of Many Talents (Pahang Chief Minister,
     Sports Minister and Defence Minister)
•    Assuming Bigger Responsibility (Education Minister)

Epilogue
• Tun Abdul Razak
• Institut Teknologi MARA - A Heritageof Tun Abdul Razak

Penghargaan Buku Terbaik Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Yang Diterima Dibawah Akta Penyerahan Perpustakaan 1986 (AKTA 331) Sempena karnival Penulis 1Malaysia

What Say YOU- Episod kali ini menampilkan perbincangan bersama Dr. Paridah Abd. Samad, Penganalisis & Penulis Buku Politik yang mengupas tentang isu politik semasa negara berdasarkan perjuangan Dato' Onn Jaafar melalui buku 'The Myth of Dato' Onn Jaafar: The Forgotten Hero.'


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Tracing the roots of Sabah claim

 

INITIATIVE: Philippine leaders have, since Marcos, taken the effort to resolve the sovereignty issue, writes Dr Paridah Abd Samad

 

THEN Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos made a dramatic move towards normalisation of bilateral relations in 1976, just prior to an Asean summit meeting, when he stated that the Philippines no longer intended to press its claim to sovereignty over Sabah, though he did not officially drop it. The pronouncement, however, was never followed by any concrete action.

The dispute dragged on into the Corazon Aquino administration, which tried to resolve the problem through revising legal and constitutional provisions to drop the claim. The Philippine Constitution of 1987 no longer includes the phrase "by historical and legal rights" as part of the definition of the national territory. Also, Senate Bill No. 206, redefining the archipelagic boundaries of the Philippines, called for amendments to Republic Acts 5546, and it particularly excluded Sabah from Philippine territory.

However, Sultan Jamalul Kiram III's denouncement of Aquino's government for endorsing the bill without consulting him and bungling by the newly installed administration kept the bill from getting through the Senate, denying Aquino a diplomatic victory of the Asean summit in December, 1987.

The Philippines cannot just drop its claim to Sabah to patch up differences with Malaysia, as it must first consider the repercussions of such a decision on the politically unstable Sulu Archipelago. Sabah and Moro are interrelated in prolonging settlement of the dispute and in deepening the security concerns of the Philippine government.

The transmigration of mostly Filipino Muslim refugees to Sabah has put the Philippines in a favourable position because this has significantly contributed to reducing the Muslim population ratio and its resistance strength.

In 1970, Tunku Abdul Rahman played an important role in promoting international support for the Moro cause. As secretary-general of the Organisation of Islamic Countries (now Organisation of Islamic Cooperation), he endorsed the Moro case submitted to him in 1972 and asked King Faisal of Saudi Arabia and (Libyan) president (Muammar) Gaddafi to help in persuading other OIC member states to support it.
But Malaysia's optimism and hope for a new and brighter chapter in Malaysia-Philippines relations remain unfulfilled. While the Aquino administration made the effort and took the initiative to drop the sovereignty claim on Sabah, it was unable to push through its initiative because of stumbling blocks. Senate Bill 206, which excludes Sabah from Philippine territory, remains unenacted.

Since no law has yet been passed on the dropping of Sabah claim, the Philippine government still has the option to actively pursue the claim through internationally accepted norms. By pursuing the claim, the Philippine government could promote the Philippines' historic rights and legal title over Sabah, as well as the proprietary rights of the heirs of sultan of Sulu.

However, the 1930 treaty between the United States and Great Britain drew a precise boundary to separate their island possessions off the northeast coast of Sabah. The allocation of islands defined in these treaties was enshrined in Article 1 of the Philippine Constitution of 1935.

The Philippine claim has no known international support while Malaysia is morally supported by Great Britain and the Commonwealth of Nations in rejecting this claim. Even the US has assumed a position of neutrality. The other Asean countries, though discreetly distancing themselves form the issue since it involves two of their fellow members, also seem to silently acknowledge Malaysia's right to the disputed territory.

For the Philippines to drop its claim to Sabah without concessions would mean outright recognition of Malaysia's sovereignty over Sabah. Taking this position might also jeopardise the proprietary rights of sultan of Sulu. In general, choosing this option appears to be damaging the national integrity.

Malaysia gave a solemn commitment to satisfactorily resolve the proprietary claim with recognised Sulu heirs once the sovereignty claim is legally and finally dropped. It sees no linkage whatsoever between the two claims. Malaysia has always insisted that sovereignty and proprietary rights over Sabah are two separate questions.

The writer is a former lecturer of UiTM Shah Alam and International Islamic University Malaysia, Gombak

It is hoped that President Benigno Aquino will resolve the Sabah issue amicably. AP pic

Read more: Tracing the roots of Sabah claim - Columnist - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnist/tracing-the-roots-of-sabah-claim-1.230061#ixzz2NICNnjfM

LONG-STANDING: The Philippines' claim on Sabah has remained unresolved for nearly 50 years, writes Dr Paridah Abd Samad

 

THE level of irritation in the relationship between Malaysia and the Philippines is considered unnatural for two immediate neighbours who belong to a common regional grouping. The Philippine's claim on Sabah, one of Malaysia's 13 states, is an issue that has remained unresolved for nearly 50 years.

Once a part of the Sultanate of Sulu, Sabah's land area exceeds 29,000 square miles, smaller than neighbouring Mindanao by about 8,000 square miles. Its centuries-old ties with the Philippines are indicated by the fact that inhabitants of both came from the same racial stock and have similar customs and traditions.

The Sultan of Brunei originally ruled this part of Borneo, but in 1704, the Sultan of Sulu helped suppress an uprising there and, as a reward, North Borneo was ceded to Sulu. Subsequently, Europeans came to Southeast Asia for the valuable minerals, spices, and other rich sources of revenue, and in 1878, two of these enterprising merchants leased North Borneo from the sultan. Soon the British North Borneo Company was formed and awarded a royal charter.

In the course of laying the groundwork for Philippine independence, the treaty signed in 1930 by the US government and the British Crown, circumscribed the territorial jurisdiction of the Philippine Republic. It did not include Sabah within the boundaries of Spanish, American, or Philippine jurisdiction.

Six days after the Philippines was granted independence (July 10, 1946), the British North Borneo Company turned over all its rights and obligations to the British government, which in turn asserted full sovereign rights over Sabah through the North Borneo Cession Order.

There was no advancement of Philippine claims to Sabah from 1946 to 1962. Within that period, successive Philippine administrations conducted low-keyed investigations on the merits of such a claim, and a study of these and other documents convinced Diosdado Macapagal, then chief of the Legal Division of the Philippines' Foreign Affairs Department, that a claim on North Borneo could be filed.

The first official Philippine act on the matter -- House Resolution No. 42 adopted on April 28, 1950 -- stated explicitly that North Borneo belonged to the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu and authorised the president to conduct negotiations for the restoration of sovereign jurisdiction.

But it was June 1962 before the Philippine government notified the United Kingdom of its claim on Sabah, and the following December the two agreed to hold talks on the issue. The promulgation of the claim brought the Philippines into diplomatic conflict with the British, who regarded it as a nuisance in relation to their own plan to change the status of North Borneo from a colony into a state of an expanded federation of Malaysia. The British government rejected the Philippine position in view of the overriding need to form the Federal Republic of Malaysia, ostensibly to contain communism in Southeast Asia.

Meanwhile, since Sabah has a total land area of 74,398 square kilometres and is only 16km from Sulu, it was a Philippine security concern. Such concerns, may have moved President Macapagal on April 20, 1963 to write to President John F. Kennedy stressing the importance of North Borneo as vital to the security of the Philippines.

At the first ministerial conference on the claim, held in London in 1963, a joint communiqué was issued by the foreign ministers of Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines stating that the inclusion of North Borneo in the Federation of Malaysia "would not prejudice either the Philippine claim or any right thereunder". This joint statement was ratified by the leaders of the three countries when they met later that year in Manila, and Macapagal's participation in it, jeopardised the Philippine claim to Sabah.

In any case, the Federation of Malaysia came into being on September 16, 1963, and due to the physical possession of Sabah by Malaysia, the Philippine government refused to accord diplomatic recognition, contrary to its solemn commitment in the Manila Agreement. When Soekarno started his "confrontation" against Malaysia, Manila reduced its representation in Kuala Lumpur to consular level.

The claim was relegated to the sidelines when it became entangled within the wider context of the Republic of Indonesia's "confrontation" with Malaysia and the Sukarno regime's threat to resort to military means to crush the fledgling nation. Upon termination of the confrontation, the dispute over Sabah was carried to Bangkok, where bilateral negotiations aimed at its resolution were abruptly aborted. In the United Nation's General Assembly, the disputants exchanged contentious charges and countercharges.

Various unsuccessful efforts were made to reconcile Philippines and Malaysia until the two finally agreed to restore full diplomatic relations in June 1966. Ironically, President Ferdinand Marcos recognised the formation of Malaysia, after he took over political power in the Philippines.

With the inception of the five-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), there was a tacit agreement between Malaysia and the Philippines that the issue be shelved in the interest of regional solidarity, and they agreed that it should be finally resolved through Asean.

In March 1967, the Philippine government was invited to send observers to witness the first direct elections in Sabah, but Manila refused on the ground that this might prejudice its position on the claim. The refusal did not, however, impede the participation of the Philippines and Malaysia in the formation of Asean in August 1967, and the following January President Marcos and his wife paid a state visit to Kuala Lumpur.

But deterioration in bilateral ties, again involving Sabah, led to a rupture in relations in 1969. The Philippines's institutionalisation of the claim through enactment of Republic Act 5546, incorporating Sabah as part of the territory of the Philippines, triggered Malaysian suspension of diplomatic ties. However, in the spirit of regional cooperation, relations were restored on Dec 16, 1969, during Asean's third ministerial conference.

Dr Paridah Abd Samad is a former lecturer at UiTM Shah Alam and IIUM Gombak

 Sabah Chief Minister of Sabah, Mr. Donald Stephens (second from left), in national Kadazan costume, being sworn into office by the Chief Justice at the Malaysia proclamation ceremony in Jesselton, Sabah, on Sept 17, 1963. On the right is the Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, representing the central Federal Government.

Tomorrow: PART II of this article.

Read more: Malaysia-Philippines unnatural relations - Columnist - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnist/malaysia-philippines-unnatural-relations-1.229431#ixzz2MiivDFFt