The New Age of the Kings: Modern Monarchies in Malaysia and the World

In the 21st century, monarchies around the world have proved to be a surprisingly resilient element in constitutionalism. This is a compendium of the current monarchs, ruling families and their constitutional roles in Malaysia and around the World.

With the rising force in Malaysia’s opposition, political uncertainty will define a new and possibly greater role for the Malay rulers. Amidst political insecurity lies a strong force depicted in perfect pictorial images of the yellow royal regalia seen on television, newspapers and the walls of offices, restaurants and hotel lobbies.

All over the world, modern monarchs are a force that is resilient and has endured for many centuries, and yet, must reform for an improved contemporary role in a progressive, plural society. This book illustrates the current faces of modern monarchies around the world and their roles and influence in society.

Traditionally, people generally view the royal rulers as great and sacred. All affairs pertaining to the people’s everyday life is centralised on the King as a symbol of power and unity. Today, most constitutional monarchies are still reflected as the centre of society.

Malaysia has the only system that is uniquely federal, autochthonous, elective and rotative. The existence of the constitutional monarchy in Malaysia is closely related to, and in line with the development of the Malay civilisation. The different ethnic communities in Malaysia have consented to the existence of the constitutional monarchy as an extension of the Malay tradition into the political system.

As an elective monarchy, the supreme head of state or ‘Yang di-Pertuan Agong’ is elected for a five-year term by a ‘Conference of Rulers’ who hold a secret ballot. Therefore, unlike many other monarchies, it is difficult to remain popular and secure loyalty in view of the rotating order of the system. In fact, many young Malaysians are no longer interested in the affairs pertaining to royalty.

However, with the emergence of educated and dynamic members of the royal family, the modern role for the Malay rulers beyond the passive and formal constitutional head of state is being re-defined. They have stepped up their vocal involvement in civil society, without entering the political fray directly. This phenomenon is seen all around the world as both monarchs and the people examine the past in order to delineate a new, modern purpose of ‘Kingship’ in the 21st century. 

The background and current situation of the Malaysian monarchy is unparalleled in respect of other constitutional monarchies around the world. However, the power, role and effects of these monarchies are comparable. This book represents a snapshot synopsis of modern monarchies both in Malaysia and around the world.

As a previous writer of Malaysian Prime Ministers’ political biographies for nearly fifteen years, the author is keen to expose the royal families, a facet in Malaysian politics that is relatively under examined. In this book, the author attempts to cover a broader canvas of modern monarchies all over the world albeit concentrating on limited and selective issues and events that fulfill the fundamental question: who are the modern monarchs and what do they do?

Therefore, this book does not recount histories of the countries with monarchies. Nor is it a critical appraisal of the world’s monarchs. This book summarises the current monarchs and their roles in contributing to the advancement of society, which include constitutional and non-constitutional duties. This includes the ‘non-constitutional’ aspects of lifestyle, glamour, scandals and fashion. As a narrow account of the different monarchies in Malaysia and the world, this book hopes to expose readers to some of the longest surviving establishments in humankind.

This book is a bird’s eye interpretation of the royal institution. The author feels that this is important, as although loyalty to the rulers is a traditionalistic facade in the Malay identity, the monarch is accountable to the Malaysian public, such as the author, a commoner. Therefore, the author has not approached any member of the royal family for interviews. As a perceptive analysis as opposed to a biographical one, the author must make clear that she alone is responsible for the contents and judgements expressed in this work.

This book unravels the situation that threatens the royal institution with the emergence of influential voices questioning the credibility and immunity of the rulers, who should be the bastion of strength for the Malays. This is achieved by linking the responsibilities of the royal institution in keeping with the desire of the people.

As the world globalises, in too many instances, the people are being stripped of their identity and forced from their own homeland. As long as the monarchs have a purpose in everyday life, they will remain relevant and existential. Therefore, it is hoped that this book is valuable to the royal families themselves as a call for both improvement and progress to remain relevant in Malaysian society.

This book is designed to offer readers another source to counter anti-monarchy views both online and in print. The function, prestige and credibility of other royal institutions are also discussed as a comparative analysis, discussing political and personal factors and the events that affect the survival of monarchies in the changing political climate. It also discusses the value of a working monarchy and suggests both subtly and mildly the way forward for the monarchy to remain relevant.

This book was also published in honour of the monarchies in Malaysia.  In so doing, in part, the book humbly focuses on sustaining the country’s interests in which the preservation of unity is paramount. The sentiment of the book is based on the reverence and deeply rooted love of Malaysia despite increasing criticism towards the royal establishment.  In so doing, the author hopes to arouse the support for monarchies as a symbol of unity and compromise among Malaysia’s younger generations. 

 

The Myth of Dato’ Onn Jaafar : The Forgotten Hero

Dato’ Onn was one of the few Malay leaders with many depictions: the Founder of Modern Malaya, the Father of Tanah Melayu, the Father of UMNO and the Fallen Malay Leader. This book recounts a man’s lifetime of devotion to his country, which were inextricably linked to the art of political survival, deception and rejection.

Dato’ Onn was the first modern Malay leader to attain political eminence in his own country. A visionary who was ahead of his time, Dato Onn’s contributions shape the destiny of his nation, which were tangled to shameless truths and untruths. Constantly strove to ‘punch above his weight’, he was the first man to bring the Malays together under one political movement that changed the landscape of politics which mould modern Malaysia to its current day.

Dato’ Onn was the first politician to put tangentially aside his racial sentiments for the sake of his country, a virtue scarce even to the present day. His pursuit of racial unity was fought without intentions to compromise the Malays as the sons and daughters of the soil of the country. He left UMNO when his proposition to turn the Party into a multi-racial political party was rejected.

Although Dato’ Onn failed to win in the General Election in 1955 to become the first prime minister of Malaya, he continued to have a non-impecunious role in paving the way for Malaya to achieve independence on 31^st August 1957. Dato’ Onn asserted once that, “If UMNO was to achieve Malaya as an independent nation, I hope it will only be abide with nationalistic stance.”

As the trajectory of his political career was not relentlessly linked with UMNO who was involved in negotiations for Malaya’s independence, Dato’ Onn’s leadership persona became a fading star. Unfortunately until his death in 1962, Dato’ Onn was not bestowed nor even considered an award, such as the prestigious title ‘Tun’ which was granted to his other political comrades. A forgotten hero was in the making to justify his ‘perceived’ deception to UMNO and his people of the Malay race. This book examines key events in the history of Dato’ Onn and his nation in hope to illuminate the unspoken truth of a man obscured in the reminiscence of modern-day Malaysia. 

    

DATUK SERI NAJIB : Liku-liku Perjalanan Politik

DATUK SERI NAJIB A Long Political Journey

A Long Political Journey: From the Golden Boy of Malaysian Politics to Malaysia’s Sixth Prime Minister 

The period of a man’s journey to the top: Malaysia’s first political blue blood

Datuk Seri Najib’s political journey is a synthesis of two parts, complementary to each other; first, the stride of his long political career and, second, the crucial role he played after becoming Deputy Prime Minister.

From being the golden boy in Malaysian politics at the moment of easy victory and installation as the youngest Member of Parliament in 1976, his political achievements were stupendous for a career politician who served longer than any other politician on his journey to becoming a statesman.

Many were captivated in his leadership performance and his brilliant career in politics but some remained sceptical, as Datuk Seri Najib was perceived as an enigma. High profile blogs reporting his involvement in the murder of a Mongolian woman tainted the reputation of this second Prime Minister’s son. However, at a time when Malaysia’s politics were a mixture of intriguing stasis and flux, this was overshadowed by his loyalty to his chief executive as he stood side by side with Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, defending political opponents and trying to unite the fractious society.

Datuk Seri Najib’s leadership was a response to a call for a transition in Malaysian politics after more than a year of the opposition inspired ‘democratic tsunami’.

From improving race relations and bolstering a battered political climate, Datuk Seri Najib is a man with grassroots understanding and possesses the necessary experience for the kind of era Malaysia is entering to remain competitive. The eldest son of Malaysia’s second Prime Minister is the man that could fulfil the country’s need for a dynamic new leader with enough magnetism to unite its multi-racial population after the resignation of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

With unflinching loyalty to UMNO, a man with strength, character and experience, these hard years prepared him to shoulder greater responsibilities to improve Malaysia’s democratic process while remaining a staunch defender of UMNO’s status quo. Caught between old and new, Datuk Seri Najib’s leadership will determine the future of Malaysia and its democratic process.


Forward

As a survivor of Malaysia’s evolving politics, Datuk Seri Najib was the man who helped to weld together the current political and economic development of the country. Thirty-three years after his initial involvement in Malaysian politics, the journey to be the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia, replacing Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Datuk Seri Najib’s contributions were important to the potential prospects of the country’s younger generation and the future political and economic direction of the Malaysia that he would be piloting.

A comprehension of Malaysian politics and implications is negated without examining a model committed igurehead such as those demonstrated by the leadership of his late father Tun Abdul Razak. As a consequence of the country’s recent political and racial upheaval, in his final steps to become the sixth Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib was at a vital crossroads. The nation was in a precarious situation and to withstand the political turbulence it needed a strong and experienced leader who could fulfil the nation’s desire for betterment.

The world would see if the then Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, Datuk Seri Najib, would be that man.

The fruits of Datuk Seri Najib’s presidential leadership and experience together with his serious commitment and involvement in national policies for 28 years (1976–2004) gave him the directive to be Deputy Prime Minister in 2004. The significance of this leadership was felt even when Malaysia was facing the effect of the political tsunami that followed the general election in March 2008.

To a large extent, Datuk Seri Najib’s unmatched integrity and experienced leadership prepared the order for Malaysia’s performance economically and politically

Datuk Seri Najib at a Glance

The eldest son of Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, and a nephew of Tun Hussein Onn, the third Prime Minister, this elite also titled as ‘Orang Kaya Inderapura of Pahang’ had the wheels of politics handed on a silver platter. After the nation wept its tears for the death of its beloved leader, Datuk Seri Najib’s father, Datuk Seri Najib was elected as Member of Parliament at the young age of 22, making him the youngest Member of Parliament to be elected. Datuk Seri Najib held a variety of high profile ministerial portfolios, the first at the age of 32. Datuk Seri Najib climbed the political ranks of UMNO, to some degree due to political patronage, but gained legitimacy from the partisans as a champion of national unity, the survival of the Malays and Islam, land development and poor rural and urban people and as an implementer of policies.

There had been a swift change of focus from the fifth Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to his Deputy Prime Minister shortly after the former announced his decision to step down. Forging his own independent base within UMNO, Datuk Seri Najib inherited the baggage of the Government’s tainted credibility, the political threat from the strongest opposition ever since Malaysia’s independence and the alleged charges of murder, dubious defence contracts and abuse of power. Most importantly, Datuk Seri Najib faced the worst downturn in race relations in Malaysia since the 13 May 1969 national tragedy along with an economy impinged by the global crisis. His long political journey not only made him susceptible to public criticism for weakness but also praise for his strength. The pioneer of Malaysia’s National Service and Eurocopter deal displayed skilled leadership with fundamental talents and competence. Soft spoken but firm, he embarked upon reform and modernisation in education, defence and land development. His government service in five ministries, his vast network of loyalists and his own loyalty to the premier represent a restoration of confidence as Malaysia struggled for its dignity and direction.

For the man who believed that ‘every Malaysian has a place in the sun’, the aristocrat who was expected to steer the wheels handed to him on a silver platter, would need to determine Malaysia’s need for a balanced society; creative, innovative, and socially and economically vibrant. The country dubbed as ‘a nation with first class infrastructure but with a third world mentality’, Datuk Seri Najib’s elemental challenge is to strike a balance between defending the political status quo and recouping Malaysia’s democratic, racial, economic and moral struggles.

A Tribute to Tun Abdul Razak

The foundation laid for the path of Malaysia’s development in the economic, social and political arena can ultimately be rooted back to the era of Tun Abdul Razak’s tenureship. Almost every aspect of Malaysian life, including our pledge in the Rukun Negara, can be traced back to his policies. One significant facet that now remains highly significant is his living asset, his eldest son, who inherited not only his political abilities but also his vision. This bequest is Malaysia’s sixth Prime Minister.In his short life of 54 years, Tun Abdul Razak faced many challenging encounters including the struggle of the Japanese occupation during the Second World War, the struggle to unite the Malays, the struggle to achieve independence, the struggle of the blood brotherhood of Malaysia-Indonesia, the struggle of the 13 May racial tragedy and the struggle to uplift the economy. As he faced these struggles like a man of steel and courage, he left trails of legacies including economic re-structuring (the New Economic Policy – NEP), political reform (Barisan Nasional), national security and foreign policy. His legendary inheritance – MARA University of Technology (UiTM) – resuscitates the bleeding economic and educational disparity of the Malays and non-Malays.

show their last respects and love. His body lay proudly, as proud as the Grand Hall of the Parliament building itself and was finally laid to rest in the Warriors Mausoleum in the National Mosque, Kuala Lumpur. His heartbeat and blood, Tun Hajah Rahah and five children prayed and mourned with his beloved people for the death of a hero. Tun Abdul Razak was known as the ‘Father of Development’ and ‘Father of Peace’. Thirty-three years later, he would be aHowever, on 14 January 1976, this patriot was unable to realise the fruits of his long-term plans as he succumbed to leukaemia in a London clinic. His body was flown home with tens of thousands pairs of tearful eyes glued to their black and white televisions. An assembly of poignant humanity, no matter the race and age, lined the streets leading to the Parliament to proud father, the father of a son who would step into his shoes as Malaysia’s sixth Prime Minister.

Preface

In 1976, still grieving over the death of his father Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, a 22-year-old Datuk Seri Najib, fresh out of university, was thrust into the turbulent world of politics when he was solicited to contest the Pekan Parliament constituency. This was the starting point of a young politician who subsequently developed an accomplished career in Malaysian politics As the son of Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib was born into the limelight of Malaysian politics. Datuk Seri Najib grew up watching his father and mastered the games and traits of mainstream politics. Instantly, he knew he wanted to serve his community and country. But the untimely passing of his father on 14 January 1976, at the age of 54, suddenly thrust Datuk Seri Najib into the spotlight. Five weeks after his father’s passing, Datuk Seri Najib, was elected to fill the Pekan vacancy, becoming the youngest Member of Parliament in Malaysian history. His involvement in politics was principally on the persuasion of the Pahang Monarchy, his father’s dear friend, Sultan Ahmad Shah.

Datuk Seri Najib quickly adapted to public life as a Member of Parliament, and soon found that the art of politics was his natural talent. Within a short time, the young Datuk Seri Najib showed that he was a credible and capable politician and a leader in his own name. In his first year as a Member of Parliament he was appointed Energy, Telecommunications and Posts Deputy Minister, and later served as Education and Finance Deputy Minister.

At the age of 29, Datuk Seri Najib’s first validation came in 1982 when the nation’s then new Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad sent him to contest the State Assembly seat of Pekan, to enable him to become the Pahang Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of the biggest State in Peninsular Malaysia. Pahang was at the time on the verge of a political crisis due to serious differences between the previous Menteri Besar and the Sultan of Pahang. But Datuk Seri Najib was not only a rising political star, he was one of the Four Noblemen of the Pahang Royal Court (by virtue of his inherited title as the Orang Kaya Indera Shahbandar) and the Palace warmly welcomed him. The crisis quickly abated.

In the four years as Pahang Menteri Besar (Chief Minister), Datuk Seri Najib ensured the unity of Pahang UMNO, whilst focusing on developing the State. Among other things, he embarked on measures to strengthen education in the State, by playing an instrumental role in the establishment of Yayasan Pahang in 1982, a foundation dedicated to promoting the development of education and sports among the youth of Pahang through scholarships and funds. He strengthened the State’s enterprises to maximise earnings from Pahang’s abundant natural resources. In cooperation with FELDA (the Federal Land Development Authority) he paved the way for the establishment of new land settlement schemes, thus, providing new income opportunities for those who were landless and in the lower income group. In the general election of 1986 Datuk Seri Najib was returned as the Member of Parliament for Pekan, and was appointed as Culture, Youth and Sports Minister. He immediately focused on improving Malaysian sports and introduced the National Sports Policy in 1988. In 1989 Malaysia achieved its best-ever performance at the South East Asia (SEA) Games, which were held that year in Kuala Lumpur.In 1991, Datuk Seri Najib was appointed Defence Minister. He revitalised a Ministry that was seen as lethargic and languid, and modernised the Malaysian Armed Forces through strategic capability enhancement, procurements and exercises. In 1995, Datuk Seri Najib was appointed Education Minister. His challenge was to respond to Malaysia’s newly proclaimed aspiration to become a fully developed nation by the year 2020. During his five-year tenure, Datuk Seri Najib put into place the mechanisms that would enable the younger generation of Malaysians to meet the challenges of the future. He restructured the Ministry, corporatized the public universities, and encouraged collaboration with foreign universities and institutions. This provided more educational opportunities for Malaysians and placed Malaysia as a regional learning hub. Datuk Seri Najib also upgraded teaching certificates to the status of diplomas, so that teachers in that category would receive a higher monthly preliminary salary.

In 1999, following the political turmoil of the year before, Datuk Seri Najib won re-election to his Pekan Parliamentary seat. He was then appointed as Defence Minister for the second time and resumed his efforts to again improve and modernise the Malaysian Armed Forces. Upon his appointment in 2004 as Deputy Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib was given a broad portfolio of responsibilities, including oversight of FELDA. He also chaired almost 30 Cabinet committees, which presided over a wide range of issues.

Datuk Seri Najib became Malaysia’s ninth Deputy Prime Minister, 47 years after his father the late Tun Abd Razak was appointed to the same position in 1957. For many, Datuk Seri Najib’s ascension to the second highest office came as no surprise. He was one of the most senior members of the Cabinet and had garnered the highest votes in the race for UMNO vice-president in the two consecutive Party elections (1996 and 2000). Indeed, many regard Datuk Seri Najib’s rise as a matterof destiny. He was the son of the nation’s second Prime Minister, one of Malaysia’s most illustrious leaders. He was thrust into the limelight at a very young age upon the passing of Tun Abdul Razak, and he had proven himself as an able leader at both state and federal levels over the years.

Now, Datuk Seri Najib is the country’s sixth Prime Minister, 39 years after his father was appointed as the nation’s second Prime Minister in 1970 to replace Tunku Abdul Rahman. Politics are evidently in his blood.

TUN ABDUL RAZAK Fenomena Dalam Politik Malaysia

Masih jelas terpahat dalam ingatan saya apabila Tun Hussein Onn, Perdana Menteri Malaysia Ketiga muncul di kaca televisyen pada petang 14 Januari 1976. Sambil menahan air mata dan sebak di dada, beliau mengumumkan kematian Tun Abdul Razak di sebuah hospital di London. Beberapa hari kemudian ketika saya berada di rumah, perhatian saya tertumpu ke arah skrin televisyen hitam putih memerhatikan pesawat yang membawa jenazah Tun Abdul Razak terbang rendah menghampiri landasan untuk mendarat. Tanpa disedari, air mata saya pula yang mengalir. Ketika keranda Tun Abdul Razak yang diselimuti bendera Jalur Gemilang diusung penuh hormat dan tertib turun dari kapal terbang, beribu-ribu orang menunggu di luar terminal untuk memberi penghormatan terakhir kepada allahyarham. Melihat keranda berselimut bendera Malaysia itu, hati saya berbisik, "...inilah dia seorang negarawan, seorang pemimpin ulung yang mengorbankan seluruh hidupnya demi membangunkan negara dan rakyat jelata, tanpa sesekali memikirkan keadaan kesihatan dirinya ... " Setelah lebih dua puluh tahun kematiannya, beliau sentiasa kekal dalam sanubari seluruh rakyat Malaysia yang merasai nikmat pembangunan hasil perjuangannya yang tidak kenal putus asa.

Penulis

Isi Kandungan

Bab Satu: Biografi Peribadi
•    Kehidupan di Kampung
•    Zaman Persekolahan
•    Latar belakang Keluarga

Bab Dua: Asas Kepimpinan Zaman Perang
•    Pendidikan di London
•    Penglibatan Awal Politik
•    Penglibatan Awal Politik
•    Perkhidmatan Awam
•    Pemimpin UMNO/Ahli Politik

Bab Tiga: Penglibatan Serius dalam Politik
•    Kebangkitan Politik Sebelum Kemerdekaan
•    Pembentukan Malaysia
•    Konfrontasi dengan Indonesia
•    Pemisahan Singapura
•    Tuntutan Filipina ke atas Sabah
•    Penubuhan ASEAN

Bab Empat: Kemelutan Politik Negara
•    Pilihanraya 1969
•    Peristiwa 13 Mei

Bab Lima: Punca Kemelut Politik Negara
•    Jurang Ekonomi dan Penyelesaian
•    Jurang Antara Kaum dan Masalah Perpaduan Negara

Bab Enam: Revolusi Politik Negara
•    Majlis Gerakan Nasional (MAGERAN)
•    Persaraan Tunku Abdul Rahman
•    Suasana Peralihan Kuasa Politik Malaysia

Bab Tujuh: Perdana Menteri Malaysia
•    Perdana Menteri Kedua
•    Penyusunan Semula Ekonomi - Dasar Ekonomi Baru
•    Reformasi Politik - Barisan Nasional
•    Dasar Luar Malaysia
• Keselamatan Negara

Bab Lapan: Keberkesanan Dasar- Dasar Tun Abdul Razak
•    Legasi Tun Abdul Razak
•    Kepimpinan Tun Hussein Onn
•    Persaraan Tun Hussein Onn
•    Pemulihan Ekonomi
•    Pemulihan Politik
•    Sumbangan ASEAN

Bab Sembilan: Dato' Seri Najib - Legasi Tun Abdul Razak
•    Latar belakang
•    Kebangkitan Pemimpin Muda - Ketua Pemuda UMNO
•    Bakat Kepimpinan - Menteri Besar Pahang, Menteri
     Belia dan Sukan dan Menteri Pertahanan
•    Cabaran Besar - Menteri Pendidikan

Epilog
• Tun Abdul Razak
• Institut Teknologi MARA - Warisan Tun Abdul Razak

Glosari dan Keterangan Ringkas
Kronologi Kehidupan Tun Abdul Razak
Tarikh-Tarikh Bersejarah
Nota Hujung
Rujukan

ABDULLAH AHMAD BADAWI A New Breeze in Malaysia’s Politics

Datuk Seri Abdullah's persona was comparable to Kofi Annan's, the Seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations and one of the world's most popular statesmen. Like Datuk Seri Abdullah, he was looked on as an imposing moral force. Kofi Annan was not an ideologue or an academic theorist. He was a pragmatic leader who adhered to some important core values including transparency, honesty and awareness of sanctity and dignity of every human life, regardless of race or religion. In the spirit of goodness, Annan however was battered by his ally, the White House; especially due to his defiance on the American involvement on Iraq. The completion of his term was tainted for the overblown 'oil for food' scandal, coupled with the mendacity and greed of his son.

Though Datuk Seri Abdullah had been labelled as gutless and unable to deliver, his political strength, intentionally or not, was his strong moral and religious values. As a full time manager of a country, he had an intuitive sense about how far he could go in pressing and persuading different players in his cabinet and family members.

Tun Dr. Mahathir was known as a brilliant risk taker with mega projects like the PETRONAS twin towers and the new modern airport, KLIA. In some respect, like his predecessors, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Hussein Onn, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had a unique governing style in administering the country, providing a breath of fresh air to the status quo of Malaysian politics. His leadership was a response to a call for a transition of Malaysian politics which would haveinevitably become stale.

Hence, this new leadership style as preached by the democratic world emphasised the human element based on basic principles of consultation and listening to other people's views. Datuk Seri Abdullah had slowly given the people more freedom of speech though many analysts believed in order to cope and safeguard anarchy, this might not be applicable in all situations.

Under Datuk Seri Abdullah, the changing economic landscape of the country was considered as a radical change to Malaysia. Tun Dr. Mahathir's vision had been easier to realise despite needing much imagination with project developers, planning, contractors and indeed, money. But the socio-economic development under Datuk Seri Abdullah was delicate and needed complex orchestrations and fine-tuning, targeting the betterment of all sectors and walks of life.

Datuk Seri Abdullah had a masterplan, a blueprint equivalent to a shopping list of his vision for this nation. His main challenge was delivering and implementing the plan.

Contents

Chapter One: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Personal Life Story 
•    Kampong Upbringing and School Days
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Personal Interests

Chapter Two: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Family Life 
•    Datin Paduka Seri Ieanne Abdullah
•    Nori Abdullah
•    Datuk Kamaluddin Abdullah
•    Khairy Kamaluddin
•    Datin Azrene Abdullah
•    Datuk Khailan Hassan
•    Members of the Family as Datuk Seri Abdullahs Personal Management Team

Chapter Three: Leadership in the Making
•    Leadership at a Youth Age
•    Civil Service
•    Political Apprenticeship
•    Political Wilderness

Chapter Four: Previous Leadership Exemplified under Datuk Seri Abdullah
•   Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra al-Haj
•    Tun Abdul Razak Hussein
•    Tun Hussein Onn
•    Tun Dr. Ismail Abdul Rahman

Chapter Five:A Natural Successor
•    From Tun Dr. Mahathir to Datuk Seri Abdullah
•    Datuk Seri Abdullahs Personal Traits and Character
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah: A Muslim Model

Chapter Six: Early Stages of Premiership
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Governmental Task
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Economic Task
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Political Task
•    A Big Victory for Datuk Seri Abdullah
•    International Commitment

Chapter Seven: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Personal Difficulties
•    The Issue Khairy Jamaluddin: A Personality to Reckon With
•    The Issue of Datuk Seri Abdullahs Style of Leadership

Chapter Eight: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Difficulties at National Level
•    A Force of the Public Service
•    The Issue of National Unity
•    Government's Response to Hindu Right Action Force (Hindraf)

Chapter Nine: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Political Difficulties
•    Internal UMNO Politics
•    A High Profile Allegation of Corruption
•    The Muslim Opposition

Chapter Ten: Sensitive Issues under Datuk Seri Abdullah's Premiership
•    The Issue of the Malays in Penang
•    The Issue of Civil and Syariah Courts

Chapter Eleven: Tun Dr. Mahathir: An Addition to Datuk Seri Abdullah's Political Burden
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Burden
•    Interference from Tun Dr. Mahathir
•    The Aborted Bridge Project
•    Unpredictable Events
•    The Climax of Allegation: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Response
•    The Glory of Mahathirism

Chapter Twelve: Love- Hate Relationship: The Singapore Saga
•    The Bridge-Causeway Issue
•    Lee Kuan Yew
•    Issues of Difficulties in Relations

Chapter Thirteen: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Personal Strength
•    Moral and Religious Values as a Political Strength
•    Datuk Seri Abdullah's Family Values
•    The Support of Deputy Prime Minister and the
      Cabinet Ministers
•    International Recognition: A Fresh Insight
      to Foreign Policy

Chapter Fourteen: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Special Responsibility
•    Liberalising Policies Concerning the Poor
•    The Debate over Bumiputera Equity

Chapter Fifteen: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Moral, Political and Legal Obligations
•    The Younger Generation - Datuk Seri Abdullah's
      Moral Obligation
•    Governing Politicians' Behaviour: Datuk Seri
      Abdullah's Political Obligation
•    Freedom of Expression: Datuk Seri Abdullahs
      Legal Obligation
•    The resignation of Datuk Seri Dr. Chua Soi Lek:
      Moral and Political Obligations

Chapter Sixteen: A Shift of Economic Theme
•    Economic Direction
•    A Balanced Economy - Economic Justice
•    The Reinstatement of Agriculture
•    FELDA: The Success Story of Land Organisation

Chapter Seventeen: Datuk Seri Abdullah's National Mission
•    The Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP)
•    Views of the Ninth Malaysia Plan (9MP)

Chapter Eighteen: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Innovative Development Projects
•    The South Iohore Corridor: Iskandar Development
      Region (Iskandar)
•    The Northern Corridor Economic Region (NCER)
•    The East Coast Economic Region (ECER)
•    Special Projects

Epilogue
• Islam Hadhari: Datuk Seri Abdullah's Legacy
• Datin Seri Endon Mahmood
• Points to Ponder
Endnotes
References

GENERAL WIRANTO The Man Emerging From The Midst Of Indonesian Reformation

The sense of duty, responsibility and commitment of ABRI (the Indonesian Armed Forces) to the people and the nation was the manner Wiranto utilised when the special executive power was delegated to him by President Suharto on 19 May 1998 in the midst of the worsening security situation in the country. This power was contained in the March 1998 MPR (the Peoples Consultative Assembly) Decree Number Five, with regard to the maintenance of national stability and security, if need be, through the establishment of the KOPKAMTIB (the Command for the Restoration of Security and Order) as was undertaken in 1965 following the abortive coup by the PKI (the Communist Party of Indonesia).

Wiranto did not use this power and its existence was even kept away from public knowledge for some months. Following the Special Session of the MPR (Peoples Consultative Assembly) in November 1998, where ABRI and in particular, Wiranto were heavily criticised following the 'Semanggi Incident' in which a number of students were killed, Wiranto for the first time made public that he had been given a special power by the former President but he had not used it as he was not 'power-crazy'. For Wiranto, consolidating ABRI and its strength was far more important. Wiranto had not pursued the mandate because he realised that there would have been enormous bloodshed if he had done so. In order to avoid a 'Second Tiananmen', Wiranto chose to back the civilian politicians rather than take power for himself.

The transfer of executive power from Sukarno to Suharto through the establishment of the KOPKAMTIB after the GESTAPU tragedy of 30 September 1965, led to military domination of the society for the next three decades or so. Thirty-two years later, when an almost similar situation arose, the leading Wiranto decided not to actualise his power but instead chose to give the people and democracy, a chance.

The Indonesian military demonstrated once again that even though they may be a dominant political force, this does not mean that they are ambitious, much less, keen on grabbing political power. The enlightened military leadership especially in the person of Wiranto, played a key role in shaping the political destiny of the country following the May 1998 mayhem.

Contents


Chapter One: Wiranto: Ascending the Army Ladder
     The Beginning of Wirantos Political Task
     Military Life


Chapter Two: Indonesia in Reformation: A Perspective Mood of Reformation
     Circumstances of Reform
     Ambivalence of Reform


Chapter Three: The Downfall of Suharto
     Suharto's Profile and New Order Government
     Sources of Crisis
     Elements of the Crisis: ABRl and Students
     Suhartos Last Few Days in Power
     Wiranto's Critical Role
     Wiranto's Public Notification

Chapter Four: Habibie's Government
     Habibie's Personnel
     Habibies Legitimacy
     The Challenge to Habibie
     Habibies Credibility
     Habibie Difficulties
     Political, Legal and Economic Measures
     Habibies Economic Democracy
     Economic Recovery
     Habibie's Future

Chapter Five:Wiranto's Leadership in the Beginning of the Reformation Era
     The Challenges to Wiranto
     Wiranto's Stance on Reform
     Wiranto's Dilemma and Difficulties
     Maintaining Security
     Suharto's Lurking Shadow

Chapter Six:The Oppositions
     Amien Rais
     Megawati
     Gus Dur
     The Future of Coalition Government

Chapter Seven: ABRI: A Major E1ement of Reformation
     History of ABRI's Political Role
     Reducing Political Role
     The Adverse Image of ABRI
     New Paradigm

Chapter Eight: The Major Elements of Reformation
     The Chinese Factor
     GOLKAR
     The Controversial Issue of Probowo
     Ethnic and Religious Clashes
     Muslim Power


Chapter Nine: The Significance ofWiranto's Leadership
     Security Stance ofWiranto
     Maintaining Peace and Stability
     The Success of Iune 1999General Election

Wiranto's Future
Epilogue


Brief Note on the Indonesian Democratisation
Chronology: Indonesian Search for Democracy
Endnotes